Doctoral Degrees (Political Science)

Permanent URI for this collection

https://scholar.sun.ac.za/handle/10019.1/658

Browse

Now showing 1 - 20 of 44

Assessing the utility of Kingdon’s multiple streams framework for studying policy implementation : a case study of mobile hospitals in Lusaka Province, Zambia
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2019-12) Kabwe, Kabaso; Adams-Jack, Ubanesia; Lambrechts, Derica; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite policy implementation research being 30 years and having been analysed using various perspectives, very few have analysed it using Kingdon’s (1984) multiple streams framework. Whether the framework can be applied to analyse stages of the policy process such as policy implementation has been debated in policy studies. The few studies which have applied the framework have mainly used it to analyse policy implementation from the perspective of explaining a policy implementation gap. This research uses the framework to assess its utility for furthering our understanding of policy implementation, using mobile hospitals in Lusaka Province, Zambia as a case. The study argues that the multiple streams framework in its current state does not provide an adequate lens through which to study policy implementation in this context due to its limited focus on the impact of institutional factors on policy. Access to health care services for all is one of the main challenges facing the Zambian health system. Mobile hospitals were introduced in 2011 to help address inequities in accessing health care in rural areas. Using qualitative methodology and data collection methods such as observation, key informant in-depth interviews, and a review of several secondary sources, this dissertation sought to answer the main question, “What is the value of Kingdon’s multiple streams framework for studying policy implementation?” The study found that while the framework was not comprehensively illuminating in certain aspects, it was however valuable as it brings into focus the agenda setting and policy formulation stages of the policy process when studying policy implementation which other approaches to implementation do not necessarily do. Doing so helps to provide a better understanding of policy implementation. The study argues that a study of policy implementation using a multiple streams framework must begin by examining the political structure in which actors operate. To enable a contextualised understanding of policy implementation, the study, therefore, modified the framework by placing institutional factors at the centre of the political stream because they affect policy implementation in contexts where executive power is strong and other institutions and non-state actors are weaker. This means that the president, as head of the executive has significant impact on policy implementation, and the influence of other actors is limited. The study contributes to policy implementation literature and to debates on refining the multiple streams framework to address some of its limitations.
Between 'partnership' and disengagement : mapping the contours of US policy towards post-apartheid South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1999-12) Bridgman, Martha; Nel, Philip R.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As Pretoria grapples simultaneously with its apartheid past and its promising but precarious future, an accurate map of US policy towards post-apartheid South Africa is critical. Without such a map, policymakers are liable to miscalculate US commitment to engagement, perhaps to detrimental effect. Seeking to draw the contours of US policy between 1994 and 1999, this study operates at the junctures between realism and liberalism, and between international relations and comparative foreign policy theory, allowing insights from each to illuminate analysis across a broad range of issue-areas. US calls for "partnership" with South Africa must be considered against the backdrop of global developments, historical patterns, and current political exigencies in the US, especially pressures for disengagement. Discussion thus begins at the system level before presenting a brief overview of the history of US South Africa policy and of policy under Clinton as demonstrated via official statements, administrative initiatives, and US responses to events involving South Africa. Analysis then delves into the subunit level, considering the role of public opinion and bureaucratic process and politics in US policymaking. The study disaggregates Clinton's South Africa policy across four issue-areas, as suggested by Zimmerman's "issue-based foreign policy paradigm," in this case namely development assistance, trade, global and regional security, and issues of political symbolism. Issue-area analysis reveals interest group and bureaucratic activity in each of these areas, and indicates the net direction of policy towards Pretoria with regard to engagement. The research found that the end of the Cold War, a reduced US economic advantage internationally, and globalisation have created the conditions for a return to the fundamental US policy of democracy promotion. Under this policy, South Africa has featured as both a pivotal state and a big emerging market, and as one of a few nations to share a Binational Commission with America. Democracy promotion is not free from detractors, however, who denounce it as a "recolonisation" of the developing world. Such criticism warrants attention. Further, the analysis confirmed the suggestion that US foreign policy is more accurately described as a set of policies, and therefore that issuearea analysis has value in clarifying the net direction of the various threads of US policy towards a particular nation, based on the domestic factors underlying policy in each issuearea. At the sub-national level, issue-area analysis showed that, since 1994, both interest group and bureaucratic activity has, on balance, encouraged deeper engagement in South Africa. In fact, there is unprecedented interest from sources within the public and the government. The Binational Commission stands as an example of this, as well as of the Clinton/Gore drive to "reinvent government." On this note, while the BNC has not revolutionised Africa policymaking, it has accomplished projects in record time and established valuable links which should last beyond the current period. The US emphasis on its "partnership" with South Africa may need reviewing, however, in view of the potential cost of such a liaison for South Africa. Delivery on promises, rather than rhetoric, would be of greater assistance to South Africa in it's quest to grow as a democratic, economically thriving and independent leader among developing nations.
Beyond #NotTooYoungToRun: party candidacy, political representation and legislative effectiveness of young politicians in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2024-03) Abati, Omomayowa Olawale; Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the implication of the #NotTooYoungToRun Act (also called the Age Reduction Law) for young politicians' candidacy in parties, political representation and lawmaking effectiveness across national and subnational legislatures in Nigeria. The study asks three research questions to understand how the age reduction law may open the political space for youth political representation and how young-adult politicians would assert their agency within the parties and legislatures. First, it examines the proportion of young-adult political aspirants that enter the candidacy pool as party candidates and of young-adult candidates elected to national and subnational legislatures. Second, it explores how the internal dynamics of political parties influence the political candidature of young-adult legislative aspirants. Third, it analyses the legislative effectiveness of young and other age group members of parliament (MPs) in the light of institutional dynamics of parliamentary lawmaking processes and norms. The study adopts a mixed-method case study design based on a pragmatic research philosophy. The design makes it possible to triangulate qualitative and quantitative data from the House of Representatives (HoR), Kwara and Oyo Houses of Assembly (HoAs), and the two major political parties, using qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection and analysis. The quantitative data includes candidacy and membership records, and qualitative data consists of seventy interviews with multiple actors ranging from MPs, party leaders, representatives of civil society organisations (CSOs), one focus group discussion with ten unsuccessful candidates from minor parties and several official party and parliamentary documents. The quantitative data was analysed using appropriate methods of descriptive and inferential statistical analysis, and the qualitative data was thematically analysed. The study finds that while the reform resulted in a significantly increased number of young-adult candidates, the corresponding unwillingness of parties (especially the major ones) to nominate an appreciable number of young-adult candidates reduced the reform's effect on youth descriptive representation in national and subnational parliaments. As such, the reform's impact is limited to a mobilising effect that sees young adults contesting for elective positions at younger ages than was previously possible. However, while most young adult candidates could not overcome the hurdle of party politics for several reasons, the few who did leverage several combinations of personalistic, social and clientelist appeals to emerge as party candidates and win legislative seats. However, on getting into parliament, the young-adult MPs faced different dynamics that limited their legislative effectiveness in the first term in office. The study's findings have three main implications. First, contrary to previous narratives, young adults are not politically disinterested nor inexperienced in political leadership. Second, electorally competitive young-adult aspirants are not hindered by the age-related selection biases inherent in internal party processes. Finally, the study's findings show that MPs' personal characteristics and institutional positionings and norms are age-sensitive, thereby shaping the legislative effectiveness of young-adult MPs in parliament. The study concludes that as the national and subnational parliaments become increasingly composed of young-adult MPs over the coming years, new questions need to be asked about how these young-adult MPs represent specific youth interests.
Challenges facing anti-corruption mechanisms in dominant party systems: a case study of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa, 2004-2019
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2023-12) Mchunu, Ngqapheli; De Jager, Nicola; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The African National Congress (ANC) has achieved remarkable success in South Africa's multi-party democratic elections since 1994, obtaining the majority of the votes in each election and achieving convincing electoral successes. In every election cycle the incumbent has maintained its majority resulting in a dominant party system and a steady grip on state resources. The democratic well-being of South Africa is thus contingent on the performance of the dominant party that is in power. This extends to the health of a democracy, which can only be achieved with independent and effective horizontal accountability mechanisms. However, in the case of South Africa, high levels of fraud, corruption and the mismanagement of state resources have characterised the ANC’s dominance across all spheres of government underlines the importance of anti-corruption mechanisms in the public sector. Therefore, this research study sought to understand the challenges facing public sector anticorruption mechanisms in a dominant party system where pervasive public sector corruption is encouraged and maintained by the incumbent at the provincial level of government. Despite the initially competitive electoral contestation between the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and the ANC during the first decade of democracy, the province of KwaZulu-Natal has since become an ANC stronghold, and during the ANC’s period of governing there have been continuous allegations of corruption, often involving senior members of the ruling party across the province. Poor fiscal practices, the absence of political stability, and the prevalence of patronage networks have all had an influence on the provincial departments and local government municipalities of KwaZulu-Natal, with reports of widespread corruption implicating ANC officials. Utilising a qualitative methodology and a case study design, primary data were collected from key informants through semi-structured interviews. Key informants from anti-corruption entities, namely the Public Service Commission, the Auditor-General, the Public Protector and the Standing Committee on Oversight, were interviewed, together with knowledgeable members of civil society and academia. Findings from this research study suggest that the blurring of party and state lines, political interference, limited capacity, and non-compliance are key impediments to the effectiveness of anti-corruption mechanisms. A lack of political will proved to be an additional impediment to the effectiveness of the accountability mechanisms, particularly in the provincial legislative oversight committee. The dominant party system has compromised the independence of anti-corruption mechanisms in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN) and hindered their role of seeking accountability. The current existing anti-corruption mechanisms rely heavily on political will from the ruling party, which has been absent, yet in order for them to be successful, they need to be free from political interference. To counteract the accountability challenges brought on by the shortcomings of the dominant-party system, it is recommended that existing institutions be empowered with greater autonomy, especially the Public Service Commission, which ideally needs to become a Chapter 9 institution. And in order to avoid placing further strain on the national budget, it would be wiser to focus on increasing the independence and efficiency of the already existing anti-corruption institutions rather than creating new ones. The decline of the ANC’s electoral support and the seemingly evident end of the dominant-party system, and its replacement with a more competitive, multi-party system, might in turn enable the effectiveness of anti-corruption initiatives and hence provide hope of greater accountability in South Africa’s political future.
A comparative study of the role of environmental NGO's in China and South Africa in conservation policy
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2017-12) Burgess, Meryl; Cornelissen, Scarlett; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the roles of environmental non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in conservation policy in two different political systems, one authoritarian (China) and the other a pluralist political system (South Africa). The study takes stock of the broader literature and debates on governance, participation and new institutional arrangements whereby private actors and civil society can have input into policy-making. Based on this, the study demonstrates that civil society and NGOs can fulfil various roles and undertake numerous functions in order to have an impact on the policy process. These roles can be categorised as essentially three: (1) In the supplementary model, NGOs fulfil the demand for public goods not satisfied by government; (2) In the complementary view, NGOs partner with government; they help with the delivery of public goods which are largely financed by the government; (3) In the adversarial view, NGOs prod government to make changes in public policy and to maintain public accountability (Young, 2000). A number of factors can determine the potential for NGOs to participate in policy-making and further influence the process when operating in terms of these roles. These factors include the size of the NGO‘s membership; cohesiveness, skill and social status; as well its financial and other resources. Similarly, the attitudes of public officials towards the NGO as well as the site of decision-making in the political system can also factor into NGO engagement in policy-making. The political system impacts on these factors, but does not as such preclude any of the three listed roles for environmental NGOs. This study shows that, in the field of conservation policy-making, environmental NGOs in both South Africa and China play all three roles in the political systems, as described in literature. It emerges that NGOs are active as playing roles supplementary and complementary to those of the state, and – somewhat contrary to expectations – also an adversarial role. South Africa‘s policy process is open to public participation at all levels of government. Formal and informal institutional arrangements are accessible for NGOs to play a role in policy-making. China‘s policy process on the other hand has few formal institutional arrangements for public participation; hence NGOs have limited roles to play in policy-making. Consequently, most NGOs in China use informal arrangements to participate in policy-making. In addition, this study shows that South African environmental NGOs contribute to fulfilling democratic ideals by performing all three roles, specifically challenging and holding government accountable. However, most NGOs in fact prefer to carry out mainly the complementary and supplementary roles, but are prepared to hold government accountable where and when this is necessary. In contrast, China‘s environmental NGOs are not attempting to contribute towards maintaining authoritarian settings but are forced to play a more narrowly defined role. NGOs are forced to fulfil roles and functions within the system‗s limitations and the government's control.
Conceptions of global political transformation: a critical exploration of ideational and normative approaches
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2005-04) Smith, Karen Elizabeth; Nel, Philip; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT:The post-Cold War era has witnessed a renewed interest in global political transformation and the possibility of the emergence of a new global order. There are, however, widespread disagreements within the field of International Relations (IR) about the significance of the discontinuities of our age, which include the emergence of centres of economic and political power that erode state autonomy and sovereignty. While some theorists argue that these changes are largely insignificant, others regard them as potential harbingers of a fundamentally different future political system. The study of change in IR is thus marked by considerable confusion and hampered by a number of shortcomings. One of the main deficiencies in the existing transformnation literature has been the mainstream approaches' reluctance to concede that the study of change is an unavoidably nonnative endeavour. Additionally, much work on change has focused on the role that material factors play in facilitating change, while the role of ideational factors has been disregarded. This has lead to an incomplete and distorted view of the process of change. Lastly, guidelines by which one might evaluate and choose between contending approaches to change are sorely lacking. These issues are addressed in this study by means of an evaluation of the work of three selected authors (Alexander Wendt, John Ruggie and Robert Cox) whose combined contributions can assist us in developing a more comprehensive theory of global political transformnation. It is contended that, in order for the study of change in IR to progress, scholars need to recognise the inherently nonnative nature of the undertaking, and be explicit about their nonnative assumptions. Furthermore, clarity needs to be reached with regard to the materialism-idealism debate. The argument made is that a middle ground approach, which aims to transcend the false dichotomy between material and ideational factors, is required. In fact, it is maintained that not only is a conciliatory approach conducive to progressing the study of change in terms of the materialism-idealism debate, but that such an approach of theoretical engagement and bridge building will also contribute generally to developing a more thorough understanding of global change. Finally, if we want to make progress in IR thinking about change, we need to develop some criteria to determine which authors can assist us best. Subsequently it is proposed that a satisfactory approach to the study of change in IR should, at a minimum, fulfil the following requirements. It should (I) aim to transcend the false dichotomy between materialism and idealism; (2) be explicit about its nonnative position; (3) limit nonnative visions to what constitutes viable alternatives global political systems; and (4) identify sources of change and include a proposed plan.of action of how to achieve nonnative goals. In light of the above criteria, it is also contended that progressive global political transformation does not, as some transformative authors suggest, have to entail the demise of the state. It is quite possible that emancipatory change can take place within the confines of the Westphalian system. In summary, this study hopes to make some contribution to what is a vastly complex topic that of change in and of the global political system - by addressing three shortcomings identified in the existing change literature: the fact that the role of ideas and the nonnative implications of change have been sorely neglected, and the need for criteria by which one might choose between contending nonnative projects.
Conflict in perpetuity? Examining Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict through the lens of land reform
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015-04) Sims, Bryan M.; Du Toit, Pierre; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation analyses the relationship between civil society and political leadership within the context of Zimbabwe’s protracted social conflict, particularly through the lens of land policy. Through the use of strategic informants, it yields important insights into the origins, form and impact of political leadership and civil society in a way that will expose the dynamics of elite and grassroots mobilisation and the political context in which land policy is either made or obstructed. Specifically, this dissertation examines two research questions. First, if political leadership is not representative of the citizenry, is land policy more likely to engender overt conflict? Second, if civil society has an autonomous role in the public sphere, is land policy more likely to benefit citizens? This dissertation also confronts an emerging empirical problem: the absence of descriptive data in regards to how civil society and political leadership have engaged in reforming land policy in Zimbabwe during the period of transition from 2008 to 2013. By measuring representation and autonomy – indicators of human needs satisfaction– this dissertation traced each phase of the protracted social conflict as it both helped to create the conditions for a liberation model of representation while simultaneously further exacerbating protracted social conflict within Zimbabwe.
Contending interpretations of the rule of law in South Africa
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013-12) Swart, Charl; Du Toit, P. V. D. P.; De Jager, N.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The following study examines whether there are contending interpretations of the rule of law present within the South African democracy. The study proposes that the rule of law forms part of the societal understanding of democracy and everyday life. Rule of law is defined in terms of mental models which influence how stakeholders conceive and define institutions. Rule of law is more than a mere institutional guarantee or set of rules — rule of law is understood as a component of a specific culture of understanding. It is shown that conceptions of rule of law have a long history in western society and have been influenced by both liberal and social ideals. Contemporary conceptions of the rule of law are tightly bound with specific notions of liberal democracy. It is hypothesised that there are distinctly identifiable opinions, beliefs and views of the rule of law present in South African democracy, and that these can be systematically described at the hand of a conceptual typology. The conceptual typology developed, identifies two contending interpretations of the rule of law, namely liberal and social rule of law. Liberal rule of law emphasises the status of the individual, moral plurality and the creation and maintenance of a rule-based society of the future. In contrast, social rule of law places emphasis on the status of the community, a single communally defined conception of the moral good and places greater emphasis on righting past injustices. Other publications that address the themes of democracy and the rule of law in South Africa are also examined in order to determine whether there is congruence between the conceptual typology developed in this study and other works. It is found that the conceptual typology is congruent with other works that depict the African National Congress’s conception of democracy, equality and liberty. These congruencies validate and strengthen the conceptual typology developed in this study. The conceptual typology is subsequently applied to a specific court case, the AfriForum v Malema hate speech case. The conceptual typology is found to be sufficiently accurate in analysing contending beliefs associated with the rule of law as expressed in this court case and identifies the African National Congress’s conception of the rule of law as falling under the social rule of law and AfriForum’s conception as aligning to the liberal rule of law. It is concluded that the conceptual typology can be empirically validated at the hand of the selected case. The conceptual typology is therefore validated with other works (conceptually) and with a specific case (empirically). It is concluded that the conceptual typology provides a clear, robust, concise and comprehensive analytical description of values and beliefs associated with the rule of law in South Africa.
A critical assessment of the conceptualisation of political risk analysis for hybrid regimes : the case of Zimbabwe
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2020-03) Makone, Itai; Lambrecths, Derica; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The conceptualisation of Political Risk Analysis (PRA) has traditionally been influenced by democratic principles. There was an observable increase in academic literature discussing changes in the traditional democratic system from 2006. Interestingly, there was an increase in literature conceptualising the hybrid regime. If the noticeable decline in democracy continues, how would PRA be conducted and conceptualised? The study took a proactive approach to find out if PRA for foreign investors could be adaptable to be measured using principles of the hybrid regime. “To what extent are the traditional conceptual perceptions of political risk in hybrid regimes still applicable, with specific reference to Zimbabwe from 1990 to 2018?” was the main research question. A single case study research design was employed, to the case of Zimbabwe. To conceptualise the hybrid regime, a hybrid regime conceptual framework was developed utilising indicators from Wigell (2008) and Gilbert and Mohseni (2011). This study added political elite cohesion as an additional hybrid regime indicator, hypothesising that the agreement among political elites had an impact on the nature and durability of the hybrid regime. This study finds the hybrid regime to show diverse forms within a single state. Zimbabwe exhibits five types of hybrid regimes. Furthermore, the hybrid regime was observed to be fluid and, noted to be durable. A political risk framework to analyse the hybrid regime was developed drawing inputs from hybrid regime indicators and some political risk indicators. 28 key informants were interviewed from six categories of respondents who were relevant to the discussion of political risk observed in Zimbabwe. This study found that perceptions regarding illegitimacy, corruption, staleness of leadership, adverse government regulation, election violence, and the home-host state relations between the Multi-National Corporation parent country and the host state had the impact of increasing the perception of political risk in a hybrid regime, thus confirming existing literature. Regarding military tutelage, weak institutions, relatively flawed elections (absent of violence), military generals in power, undemocratic means to retain power, minimum horizontal accountability and weak rule of law did not automatically increase political risk as in times past. This study found that the levels of political risk differ within the diverse forms of hybrid regimes, which is contrary to literature that postulated a positive relationship always. If democracy declines, PRA was concluded to be adaptable and, in effect, accurate, taking into consideration the fluidity of the hybrid regime and the presence of specific risk factors, relevant to the analysis of risk in such regimes. As in any discipline, timely re-conceptualisation is crucial and this study provided that for both hybrid regimes and political risk analysis.
A critical discourse analysis of drone warfare and erone norm life cycles
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2020-12) Taljaard, Raenette; Gouws, Amanda; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study conducts a critical discourse analysis of drones and lethal use of force to probe modes of future wars and contested norms in the international system. The role played by the United States’ justificatory norm-contesting policy entrepreneurship of established norms with speech acts aimed at normalisation of drone use is analysed. Normalisation occurring through ‘drone war’ film genres in cinematography in popular culture is probed. Pushback against normalisation of drones by United Nations Special Rapporteurs and transnational global feminist organisations is assessed. The study concludes raising concerns about future wars, executive-legislative relations and the rise of the drone-based surveillance state that has geopolitical implications.
Explaining poverty : a comparison between perceptions and conditions of poverty in South Africa
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010-12) Davids, Yul Derek; Gouws, Amanda; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this dissertation I explore people’s perceptions of the causes of poverty. Literature reveals that there are three broad theoretical explanations of perceptions of the causes of poverty: individualistic explanations, where blame is placed squarely on the poor themselves; structural explanations, where poverty is blamed on external social and economic forces; and fatalistic explanations, which attribute poverty to factors such as bad luck or illness. Furthermore, the findings of studies reviewed showed that these explanations interact with socio-economic and demographic variables such as race, geographical location, education, lived poverty index (LPI), living standard measure (LSM) and employment. I therefore critically examine explanations of poverty among South Africans as measured by individualistic, structural and fatalistic dimensions and how it interacts with the socio-economic and demographic variables. Employing a national representative survey of 3510 adults aged 18 and older conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council between 18 April and 30 May 2006 the findings of the present study confirmed most of the theoretical arguments cited in the literature. For instance, South Africans, in general, perceive the causes of poverty in structural terms, but a large proportion of respondents also perceive the causes of poverty in individualistic terms. Access to basic necessities influenced perceptions of the causes of poverty since the poor mostly perceived poverty in structural rather than individualistic terms. White South Africans in contrast to black Africans perceive the causes of poverty mostly in individualistic terms. Coloured respondents are the most fatalistic in their perceptions of the causes of poverty. Further analysis show that respondents living in traditional areas compared to those in urban formal areas are less likely to have structural perceptions of the causes of poverty. This is a very interesting finding because my examination on the extent of lived poverty in showed that the urban formal areas have the smallest proportion of respondents that have gone without basic necessities over the past year if contrasted to the traditional, rural formal and urban informal areas. I found that education had no significant impact on structural perceptions of the causes of poverty. In spite of my assessment of the extent of access to basic necessities which revealed that a large proportion of respondents with primary education compared to those with tertiary education go without these basic necessities. In addition, the study found that the relationship between the socio-economic and demographic variables and the structural, individualistic and fatalistic perceptions of the causes of poverty is considerably more complex and that it is possible for the race group, level of education, employment status and geographical location of the respondent all to interact in a multidimensional manner and have an impact on how the causes of poverty is perceived. However, the three linear regressions examining the relationship between the socio-economic and demographic variables and the structural, individualistic and fatalistic perceptions of the causes of poverty should be interpreted with caution because the explanatory power of the three regression models is quite weak (as indicated by Adjusted R²). In sum, the present study is extremely relevant in many ways and makes a unique contribution at both a methodological and policy level. Methodologically, the findings showed that the LPI may contribute to the proposed poverty line suggested for South Africa. As such, the findings offer a valuable message for the country’s decision makers about South Africans’ perceptions of the causes of poverty.
Exploring Ecological Modernisation in an African Context: The Case of South Africa's E-waste Sector
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2023-03) Hector, Michael Carl; Lambrechts, Derica; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the application of ecological modernisation (EM) in the context of an emerging African economy, South Africa. Much like other states in the global South, the South African government has become enamoured with the prospects of bridging the gap between the economy, environment and society. This gap can however be bridged through the achievement of sustainable development. However, as argued in this study, there have been various approaches to the achievement of sustainability. One such approach has been the use of EM as a pathway to sustainable development, which sees the market and technological innovation as being key to the achievement of sustainable and green economies. As argued by this study, the use of EM as a pathway to sustainable development is often found within states that have adopted neoliberal and capitalist ideologies. This study therefore argues that South Africa’s neoliberal macroeconomic policy shift in the post-apartheid years have created an enabling environment for the adoption of EM as an approach to environmental management. The result of this has been the adoption of EM principles within environmental management policies such as the National Environmental Management Act (NEMA) and the Waste Act. South Africa is unique in its use of EM, as environmental policy in the country highlights the importance of social and environmental justice concerns. Although the inclusion of social and environmental justice concerns has been important aspects of South Africa’s environmental management policy, these concerns have not been translated into practice. As such, it has been argued that what is evident in the case of South Africa is the application of weak sustainability and weak ecological modernisation. The purpose of this study is therefore to build on existing knowledge regarding ecological modernisation in South Africa. This study argues that the presence of strong EM in environmental policy is not enough and for EM to be considered effective, the realisation of environmental policy imperatives needs to be considered as part of the process. In its assessment of EM in South Africa, this study makes use of extended producer responsibility (EPR) in the management of electronic waste (e-waste) in South Africa. It is argued by this study that in the management of e-waste in South Africa, the implementation of the EPR needs to prioritise social and environmental justice concerns – paramount to the management of waste being the inclusion of waste pickers in decision-making and practice.
A feminist assessment of African women’s experiences of wartime sexual violence before the International Criminal Court
(2022-04) Moussi, Corinne Aurelie; Gouws, Amanda; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is the first permanent global tribunal aimed at prosecuting war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, and in future the crime of aggression (Rome Statute, 1998: see the preamble). The Court prides itself in participating in the global fight to end impunity and aims to hold those responsible, accountable for their crimes and help prevent these crimes from happening again (Rome Statute, 1998: see the preamble). The ICC correspondingly continues to play a prominent role in tackling impunity for atrocious crimes committed on the African continent. Feminist scholars have argued that as part of their history-making and norm setting function, international criminal tribunals need to acknowledge and de-legitimise sexist and/or misogynistic ideologies that contribute to violence in times of war and peace alike (Grewal, 2015). This study is a feminist engagement with an international criminal institution and aims to reflect the impact of the ICC in its incorporation and consideration of sexual violence as an international crime. It also aims to analyse the ICC’s comprehension and conceptualization of wartime sexual violence and its victims. Feminist security theory and intersectionality guided this study. These theories were crucial for this study for the following reasons: in making sense of African women’s wartime experiences of sexual violence, they foreground gender as a lens of analysis and consequently highlights the diverse roles women play in violent conflicts (as victims, protesters and participants) and gives women agency. Both theories bring attention to neglected factors of discrimination and subjects while accentuating the effects and consequences of wartime sexual violence on women. A qualitative research design undergirded this study, combined with a case study approach. This study used methods such as discourse analysis, and feminist self- reflexivity to engage with the data. The information generated through these methods were utilized in engaging the objectives of the study which are to provide insightful knowledge about African women's experiences of wartime sexual violence and investigate selected caselaw of the ICC, in order to comprehend the institutional discourses which ensue. This study found that the ICC has made some notable progress in terms of moving away from a legacy of historical silence and under-investigation of sexual violence crimes at the international level. While the progress is laudable, more still needs to be done. In spite of its shortcomings, the ICC has the potential to make sense of wartime sexual violence and establishing the link between gender and other factors of discrimination that account for the perpetration of wartime sexual violence.
A feminist investigation into the reasons for attrition of women doctors from the South African medical profession and practice : exploring the case of UCT medical school between 1996 and 2005
(Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011-03) Wildschut, Angelique Colleen; Gouws, Amanda; De Villiers, Marietjie; University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation aims to establish the reasons underlying possible gendered attrition trends in the South African medical profession between 1996 and 2005. Noting the international trend of the increasing feminisation of medical education and the profession, the dissertation illustrates that this is also a reality in our national context, and frames this phenomenon as being plagued by difficulties very similar to those encountered in other traditionally male-dominated fields. The particular relevance for further research and debate is illustrated through the noticed discrepancy between women’s representation in enrolment and graduation at medical schools in South Africa, and their representation in the profession itself. The decision to approach this investigation from a feministorganisational perspective was based on the fact that this would not only be a novel, but indeed also an appropriate, research approach to the study of gendered trends in medical education and the profession within the South African context. The research project thus sets out three main objectives relevant to this investigation. Objective 1 aims to establish the sex composition of the cohort of medical graduates that have not entered, or decided to exit, the medical profession. In terms of this objective, findings show an increasing rate of progression of men into the profession, accompanied by a decreasing rate of progression of women into the profession. Objective 2 attempts to establish the reasons behind sex trends in South African medical schools and in the profession. Thus, in an effort to comprehensively investigate the issues underlying attrition, I employ a mixed-methods approach to the primary data collection and analysis. Firstly, the findings show, through a quantitative analysis of the interview data, that this sample of women felt that both institutional and societal factors influenced a women doctor’s propensity to remain in the profession. Secondly, it is established that whether these respondents felt that they had appropriate role models in the profession was the most important factor in terms of their identification with, and propensity to stay in, the profession. Thirdly, it was also found that the respondents felt strongly that the culture of the medical profession impacts negatively on a woman doctor’s propensity to stay in the profession, but similar to the findings of other studies, this does not bring us closer to an understanding of what that culture constitutes. Thus, lastly, through a qualitative analysis of the interview data I find that the respondents clearly recognise the presence of a gendered substructure in medicine in the South African context, and identify some elements of this structure as most commonly linked to attrition. Objective 3, based on the outcomes of the previous objectives, aims to provide recommendations for the retention of medical doctors in general, and women doctors specifically, in the South African context. It concludes that flexibility1 in the medical profession is paramount to the retention of doctors, and women doctors specifically. This is a difficult challenge to overcome, as central values such as the importance of continuity of care in the medical profession would suggest that providing increased flexibility to medical doctors would impact negatively on patient care. However, it appears that there is increasing recognition amongst scholars, policy makers and medical practitioners themselves of the importance of acknowledging alternative work patterns. On the basis of the outcomes of my research, it is clear that the national gender attrition trends are a cause for concern in terms of resourcing the National Health System against the backdrop of a widely acknowledged shortage of doctors in South Africa and elsewhere. If women doctors do not progress effectively into the system, but form the majority of graduates, this is a tragic loss, as well as a waste of resources during training. This aspect also has policy implications, because it appears that the government, in trying to retain doctors, has increasingly turned to measures that are restrictive (compulsory community service, restrictions on foreign doctors), rather than focusing on ways in which to make doctors want to stay. The dissertation thus closes by suggesting two main areas within which these findings and recommendations would be employed most usefully: 1) medical schools/ training/education, and 2) the medical profession/culture.
Fighting against erasure: the one in nine campaign and feminist movement building against sexual violence
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2024-03 ) Dlakavu, Simamkele; Gouws, Amanda; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The rape trial against Jacob Zuma, South Africa’s former deputy president and deputy president of the governing party – the African National Congress, in 2006 drew wide social, media and political attention. The story of a powerful politician accused of sexual violence is not an unusual occurrence globally nor was it exceptional in South Africa. Unfortunately, South Africa has one of the world’s leading cases of sexual violence. However, what was truly profound about this political moment in history, which has not been sufficiently explored and studied in the field of social movement scholarship in South Africa, is the story of the feminist political response that was ignited by the rape trial. This response came from the One in Nine Campaign – a boldly feminist social movement organisation that was formed to demonstrate tangible, active, and intersectional solidarity with the rape survivor, Fezekile “Khwezi” Kuzwayo, as well as other women sexual violence survivors in South Africa. Guided by the New Social Movement and African Feminist theories, this study is a feminist social movement political biographical history of the One in Nine Campaign, and its political framings, strategies, and repertoires of action. Through qualitative feminist methodologies and a historical analysis, using primary archival research from the archives of the One in Nine Campaign and thirteen in-depth interviews with its members (past and present), this study documents the Campaign’s feminist political mobilisation that has lasted almost two decades. The study’s results indicate that the One in Nine Campaign sought to insert an intersectional feminist agenda in the struggle against the sexual violence crisis in South Africa by strategically focusing on sexual survivor programmes, feminist political education and arts activism for consciousness-raising, as well as direct action as part of movement building. The findings reveal that these strategic and political efforts led to and inspired a new wave of feminist movement building in South Africa, engaging in political direct action in sites such as universities and in relation to the #TotalShutdown movement. This is a movement that forced the state, through direct action and protest, to acknowledge that sexual violence is indeed a “pandemic” which demanded political intervention from the state. The findings also reveal contemporary challenges that impact feminist social movements against sexual violence in South Africa such as erasure, movement decline and economic precarity, caused by factors such as a lack of long-term and unrestricted funding and activist burnout which challenge movement sustainability. The focus on the political history of the One in Nine Campaign broadens the views of the ways in which feminists organise and mobilise in democratic South Africa. This dissertation therefore contributes to existing scholarship and a better understanding of social movements and gender in an African context.
Foreign aid in Africa: analysing the role of European Union political aid in political processes in Kenya, 1990-2013
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2019-12) Musila, Benson; Khadiagala, Gilbert Muruli
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigated contributions as well as limitations of EU political aid in processes of political development in Kenya since the onset of political pluralism in the early 1990s to mid-2016. The study sought to advance extant debates about the role of exogenous versus endogenous factors during Africa’s third wave of democracy. Hence, the questions: What have been the contributions as well as limitations of EU political aid toward processes of political development in Kenya since the early 1990s? The study reveals that initially the EU supported liberalization in Kenya in the after-math of the cold war. However, this support was of a very superficial kind; it could not sustain the difficult, yet necessary task of institution-building. In the specific Kenyan case EU political aid in the early 1990s focused on bolstering domestic civil society in its struggle against the Moi dictatorship. While this should have been the first phase of a multifaceted undertaking, the EU and others did not then move onto what should have been the next phase in this journey: institutionalization. Whether this would have actually happened, given the fumbling that characterized the 1990s is an open question. In any case, the emergence of the war on terror on the global agenda after the events of September 2001 completely closed this avenue. Although the international community had quickly ogled institution development as the key international agenda for the 21st century in the wake of the attacks, between 2001-2007 there was no serious political aid effort towards institution building in Kenya, save for the construction of institutions keyed to the war on terrorism; how else, to explain the failure to press the Kenya government to effect constitutional and other institutional reforms as promised after the 2002 elections? This neglect would prove costly; it contributed in no small measure to the post-election crisis of 2007-08; after all, that conflict issued from a failure of institutions both during the contested tallying of votes, and the subsequent eruption of violence. It would require the NARA and then agenda number 4 to begin to address these issues, with the crisis having focused attention on the need for institution building, reminding even those with vested interests in Kenya that the status quo had become untenable. There is some irony here: in pursuit of self-interest the EU may actually now help erect robust institutions in the wake of the post-election crisis. If so, then it remains to be seen what type of institutions and structures will emerge under realism—whether as the war on terrorism and the attendant institutional infrastructure suggests these will be repressive institutions, or whether perhaps self-interest and altruism will combine to help create both participative and procedural norms that will underpin a more robust state in Kenya. One of the main criticisms usually levelled against foreign aid—political aid included—is that it is too narrowly focused on technical aspects to the exclusion of political ones. In other words, the claim is usually made that current foreign aid merely represents a reincarnation of foreign aid of old—that of the 1960s—in the Huntingtonian frame. This study has diverged from that school of thought to argue that currently foreign aid has actually swung in the opposite direction—it is overly focused on political aspects—participation in this case—to the exclusion of technocratic aspects, conceptualized as institutionalization. Yet a better view of development and the role of foreign aid in it would have to reconcile the need for participation, on the one hand, and that of effectiveness, on the other—cognizant of the fact that development is a bi-product of the interaction between structure and agency. Thus, the study argues against the old Huntingtonian singular focus on institutionalization to the exclusion of participation—the failure of development administration, with its obsession with institutionalization to the exclusion of politics testifies to the short-comings of such an attempt. On the other hand, however, the study also cautions against current critiques, which seem to celebrate agency, while viewing institutionalization–structures—askance—or what such critiques have taken to pejoratively referring to as the “technical approach”. As the events from Kenya illustrate, a singular focus on participation to the neglect of institutions is likely to result in the elevation of process over structure—with dire consequences for political development. Thus to suffice, participation must go hand-in- hand with institution building.
A framework for constitutional settlements : an analysis of diverging interpretations of the South African Constitution
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015-04) Teuteberg, Salome Marjanne; Du Toit, P. V. D. P.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa’s transition to democracy has been hailed as exemplary in the field of conflict resolution and constitution-making. The negotiated settlement was expected to serve as a consensual constitutional framework boding well for the newly democratic regime, but by 2014 evidence was accumulating of an emerging dissensus on the South African Constitution. The literature on the South African transition does not anticipate this emerging constitutional dissensus, or address the possibility that the constitution meant different things to different stakeholders. While there was widespread endorsement of the ratification of the constitution, an apparent divergence has emerged about its meaning and what is stands for. Many studies addressed the process of constitutional negotiations and the outcome thereof, but few examine the meaning that the original negotiators invested into this outcome. The study aimed to address whether this dissensus was present during the negotiating process (1990 - 1996), and whether the negotiators’ agreement on the formal text of the constitution obscures fundamentally diverging interpretations. The study is in the form of a qualitative, descriptive case study. This study created a novel conceptual framework within which to classify diverse interpretations. Perceptions of negotiated compromises in deeply divided societies were conceptualised in the form of Constitutional Contracts, Social Contracts and Benchmark Agreements. Original negotiators’ views and opinions were analysed in order to identify dispositions reconcilable with each of the concepts identified. This framework proved significantly helpful in identifying whether the views of the negotiators were divergent – on several levels, differences between negotiators during the negotiating period came to the fore. It became evident from the findings that there were indeed present among the ranks of the negotiators of the South African Constitution diverging interpretations of this outcome. It became clear that certain interpretations were more easily categorised than others: while being able to locate the views of some negotiators within the concepts of Constitutional Contract or Social Contract, identifying those views congruent with the Benchmark Agreement proved more difficult. Also, some negotiators’ views can be located within one, two or all of the categories. It became evident that while negotiators may be categorised within all three concepts of the framework, their opinions are not necessarily specific to the indicators of one single concept. This study brought significant insight into several concepts, including the Social Contract in a changing society. The Social Contract is identifiable within a system that fosters process over institutions, with specific focus on the working of the electoral system. The Social Contract is vested in the political culture as opposed to in the written text, but the written text does facilitate these types of processes by entrenching mechanisms for ongoing negotiation and revision. However, while some of these mechanisms exist within the Constitution, it does not mean that they are effectively used. Characteristics associated with the Social Contract, such as flexibility and an inclusive process, tend to be associated with longer lasting constitutions. The question remains whether South Africans should be actively seeking to build a Social Contract, and whether a Constitutional Contract can evolve into a Social Contract.
Health norms in the global governance of development: A constructivist analysis
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2019-04) Granmo, Anders; Fourie, Pieter Paul; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As states and regions become increasingly interconnected at the hands of globalisation, the politics of health are increasingly relevant to the sustainable future envisioned by global governance. This study identifies, describes and explains the emergence of health (and cognate) norms in global development discourse and governance since the end of the Cold War. Adopting a political scientific perspective within the constructivist epistemology, the study identifies and analyses the trajectory of norms that have emerged and come to inform the health goals of the United Nations Development Agenda. It seeks to address the questions of how and why health has materialised in global development in the timeframe between 1989 and the present moment; in doing so, it identifies processes, actors, institutions, and interactions between the spheres of development thinking and international relations. The main lens through which this is pursued is by analysing two separate but interrelated case studies: the Millennium Development Goals, and the Sustainable Development Goals. The discrete but interdependent components of the project provide overview and insights regarding the context of global development thinking and practice, and into the subtleties of global health, and of global health governance. This includes a short history of development practice and discourse, an introduction to the multifaceted field of global health, and the relationship between these spheres. Furthermore, the study examines and reviews the theoretical foundations upon which it builds its analysis, and subsequently investigates its subject matter in a detailed and chronological procedure. The study finds that the relevant norms have emerged, suffused, and subsequently become internalised through the various direct and indirect negotiation processes that created the policies formalised as global development goals. The importance of effective norm entrepreneurs and their ability to connect with established normative structures referred to by the study as meta-norms and super-norms proved essential to this process, particularly when further bolstered by traditional concerns of high politics. The study underscores the topicality and increasing traction of global health within International Relations, and conversely, the utility of IR constructivist analysis for understanding contemporary global health and development challenges.
Hegemony, 'common sense' and compromise : a neo-gramscian analysis of multilateralism in South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000-03) Taylor, Ian; Nel, P.; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to overcome past failings in the analysis of post-apartheid South Africa's foreign policy. In contrast to "explanations" offered by most previous analyses, this work demonstrates that the behaviour exhibited by Pretoria is not immutable or simply subject to the global "realities", but is derivative of the specific historic conjuncture of forces that joined together during the transition from apartheid, and which remain open-ended. The changes in the African National Congress' economic and political policies during the transition period are seen as the key to any attempt to understand Pretoria's post-1994 foreign policy behaviour. This is intimately connected to the structural changes in the international political economy and the change in the balance of international class forces brought about by the neo-liberal counter revolution. Deploying a theoretical framework derivative of the work of the Italian Marxist, Antonio Gramsci, this study situates South Africa's foreign policy in a world where the ideology of neo-liberalism has achieved hegemonic status amongst the transnational elite class - fractions of national elites, representing and reflecting the interests of money capital. Such a hegemonic project informs the beliefs of the Government of National Unity and the subsequent foreign policy activities postured by Pretoria. This study attempts to understand how and why the ANCacceded to the dominant discourse of neo-liberalism and why this must be contextualised within the structural constraints brought to bear upon the GNUin an increasingly globalised world. This accession to neo-liberal beliefs has gIVen nse to contradictions within the domestic polity between contending class fractions and within the ANC'sown ranks. This has provoked a fundamental tension in Pretoria's overall foreign policy, where on the one hand South Africa accepts the fundamental normative world order, whilst on the other pushes various reformist initiatives which seek to re-negotiate Pretoria's standing within this framework. Specifically, South Africa's behaviour in multilateral organisations has been marked by a tactical middlepowermanship role, essentially problem-solving, which seeks to smooth out the international system so that the ongoing world order may function as "efficiently" as possible. Such behaviour has been qualitatively different from the activist role that was expected from an ANC-led administration. Indeed, the activism exhibited by South Africa has been largely centred around the promotion of the liberalisation of markets and free trade, albeit tempered by an awareness of the need to reconcile its acceptance of the hegemonic order, with that of the appeals of a historically important fraction of its support constituency: the Left and labour. Attempts to reconcile these two positions, of promoting "free" trade whilst at the same time demanding "fair" trade for example, mirror the broader contradictions that have been evident in South African foreign policy. They reflect the historic compromise that saw the ANCcome to administrative power, and also the desire by the government to balance its neo-liberal credentials with certain reformist convictions. This has been most evident in Pretoria's behaviour in multilateral organisations. SLXmultilateral initiatives, and Pretoria's role within each, are examined: the World Trade Organisation, the Cairns Group, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Commonwealth, and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Implications for future South African foreign policy are drawn out, and a critical eye cast on whether such roles played out by Pretoria are immutable, or subject to change.
How social media facilitate public participation in the election of a new government: A critical analysis of Twitter discourses in Zimbabwe during the 2013 elections
(Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2017-12) Makombe, Leonard; Botma, Gabriel; Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Journalism.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research is hinged on three overlapping fields namely, political studies, journalism, and media studies and explores how Twitter, a relatively new information and communication technology (established in 2006) was used during a very critical election in Zimbabwe in 2013. Zimbabwe is considered oppressive, with a very restricted media, thus the advent of new web-based content generating and sharing technologies, such as Twitter, were seen as critical for public political participation. This is so because technology optimists argue that new information and communication technologies including Twitter, bridge participatory gaps as they present almost anyone, with the right technology, an opportunity to publish their views. Additionally, technology optimists argue that new information and communication technologies undercut the role of “elites” who would otherwise have dominated discourse during important events such as a national election. Through the emerging networks, technology optimists further argue, users are able to challenge oppressive governments and establish weak ties, to work towards achieving shared goals. Most of the inspiration for such conclusions was drawn from the hope raised in 2009 in Iran and Moldova as well as late 2010 to 2011 when protests in some Middle East and North African countries were inappropriately called “Twitter Revolutions”. Technology optimists ascribed so much power to media by calling the protests “Twitter Revolutions”. This was despite the fact that not much empirical evidence was presented to support the supposition that Twitter was used to topple governments. This research uses critical theory to analyse the role played by Twitter in facilitating public political participation during the 2013 elections in Zimbabwe. Empirical evidence gathered through a systematic collection, archiving and analysis of tweets has shown that the potential role of social media in facilitating public political participation in Zimbabwe in 2013 was exaggerated. An analysis of the quantitative data has shown that a very small minority, around 10 percent, of the participating users, dominated the discourse on Twitter. This is a sign that despite its openness, Twitter has subtle barriers to participation, which result in such asymmetries. Qualitative analysis, through discourse historical analysis, a variant of critical discourse analysis, has shown that Twitter was a site for ideological conflict, which dispelled any attempt to classify the platform as a new public sphere. The irrational nature of communication on Twitter, together with ideological conflicts showed that Twitter was more of a public space and not public sphere.

Browse

Browsing Doctoral Degrees (Political Science) by Title

Results Per Page

Sort Options